This sculpture above was made by a famous Polish artist after I told him about what happened to me. It is not the crucifixion of Christ, but me hanging carrying the prosecutor and judge, both hanging on my arms. The artist knew these people from the totalitarian communist regime in Poland.  

Scandinavian Capital Exchange Aktieselskab

SCE A/S, the company which had been established three months before the event, had not been registered because the Danish authorities held back the registration. The outcome of the authorities deliberately holding back this registration, lost the company and me substantial sums of money and created a “legal” basis to make me personally bankrupt. Without this, the whole action by the Danish authorities and the action by Bagmandspolitiet (Special Prosecution) would have failed. 

The Company Register held out to register the company for nearly three months, a registration which normally took less than a few days at that time. If I had been cautious, we could have acquired an already registered company, a shell company already incorporated “skuffeselskab” and not done the correct thing by asking the National Bank to bring a substantial amount of money into the company and country.

Since the company registration normally takes a few days, we expected this also for our new company. If we had any inkling of knowledge about all the conspiracy, it would have been simple to acquire an already registered company. 

It was first on the 4th March 1980 at the Commercial Court (Sø- og Handelsretten) that it transpired that the Company Register had no intention to register the company, despite that the company had already taken more than DKr 22 million in cash and 55 Million in sales in the ten weeks leading up to the storming of the company by Bagmandspolitiet. 

he authorities wanted to cancel these entire contracts by not allowing the company to be registered. This allowed more than four hundred investors to not pay the huge debts that they would otherwise owe to the company as a result of the huge falls in the silver and platinum prices from the 16th of January until the end of March 1980. As an example, an investor who purchased silver on a Deferred Delivery Contract (margin speculation) in the first weeks of January and paid a 30% deposit, ended up owing in February, twice their deposit and even more to the company in March.  

The Danish National Bank, the Ministry of Trade, the Company Register and Copenhagen tax authorities all conspired against Hauschildt and the companies whilst using the involvement of the Ministry of Justice, the Special Prosecution and courts as henchmen” 

 Advocate Folmer Reindel to the City Court and 8 years later to the full Court with 17 judges at the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg 

With the Danish Authorities holding back the company registration of SCE A/S for months and later making a criminal charge against me, these clients did not have to pay the money they, in reality, owed the company under registration – very clever, but a real conspiracy nevertheless. Moreover, these clients had entered into the contractual obligation by making a decision to speculate on the prices going up, and then when the market crashed, they could walk away from their obligation according to the contract that they had entered in to.  

Five Years of Continuous Harassment 

Although the public got to know about my arrest, the closing of the companies and my solitary confinement on the television evening news, neither the public nor the media was ever told the truth about what went on for five years before that the Special Prosecution (Bagmandspolitiet) and the tax and fiscal Revenue stormed the SCE and arrested me for alleged tax evasion. In reading the article in Jyllands-Posten, Friday the 1st February 1980 (read the article in Danish), the day after my arrest the public was told that the Special Prosecution had been investigating the company since its start, five years earlier.  

The Danish authorities had hunted the companies and I for close to five years before and they had tried everything including harassing me and the management of the companies on a daily basis, however, they were never able to do much with regards to the law, since we did nothing wrong or illegal. (See: The Real Background – Fiscal conspiracy)  

Even prior to me starting SCE in Denmark, I had several meetings with senior people in the Ministry of Trade and the National Bank, in order to make sure that everything we did was legally correct and was within the law and within the various restrictions that Denmark imposed on our business.  

We had staff that had close relatives working in the National Bank and we even employed a retired senior police officer to supervise the transport of our precious metals. I employed these people, and I at least expected them to report back to their relatives and families that we did nothing wrong or against the law and that we only operated according to all the rules set out by the government and the National Bank.  

We were blackmailed regularly by the Copenhagen Tax Authorities (Københavns Skattevæsen), who wanted access to the names of our clients and their transactions. On one occasion in 1979, they demanded that we pay tax there and then on all future income despite losses in the previous year (we had handed over D.Kr. 200,000; otherwise the tax inspector would not leave our premises).  

Making matters worse, we were regularly prevented by the National Bank from being able to hedge our currency and commodity transactions, creating considerable losses for the companies and at times, leaving business transaction as too risky to enter into.  

The National Bank put pressure on our banking relationship and in one case, created a huge loss for us with Andelsbanken, one of the banks we used. None of these facts was ever reported in the Danish media.  

The wire tapping

We were subjected to wiretapping (recording of telephone conversations) by the Danish authorities long before my arrest in January. In one conversation I had with a business contact in the US, I said that one of my companies would make at least 50 million-plus in 1980, making it valued on “the market” for up to 1 billion US Dollars. No doubt that my confidence of making “for sure” 50-100 million US Dollars in “the next few months” (said by me to a friend in London on the telephone a few days before my arrest), moved the Danish authorities and Bagmandspolitiet.  

Especially as I had also pointed out that all of our Deferred Delivery Contracts in silver and platinum had a minimum of a three-month possible delivery clause; a strong legal agreement with our clients who had agreed to enter into when buying on margin. This, together with the fact that I was absolutely certain that the precious metal price would crash due to the action by the Commodity Exchanges in New York and Chicago, must have aggravated the Danish authorities whilst listening to my telephone conversation.  

The Special Prosecution also knew that the company would be calling some of the clients to make “margin calls” amounting to close to ten million Kroner.  

The Danish public and many clients of Scandinavian Capital Exchange was fooled and lied to by Bagmandspolitiet and the Danish media. Fooled by the misinformation, malicious lies and innuendoes put out by the prosecution in the press.  

Bagmandspolitiet took maximum advantage of spreading allegations according to some clients’ who were so disgusted with the prosecution’s method; unfortunately, these clients’ voices hardly showed up in the media.  

Every client was telephoned and given a “story” by Bagmandspolitiet. If they reacted as the prosecution hoped, they were invited to a meeting where the objective was to criminalise all their dealings with the companies in order to later appear as “good witnesses” in court. Perhaps these clients also expected a special treatment with regards to their investment. Other clients had pressure from the fiscal authorities to weaken them up so as to assist the prosecution in their pursuit of injustice.  

During the years that the companies operated (1974 – 1980), Denmark had currency restriction and therefore Danish investors could not invest or take part in the speculation on the stock and commodity exchanges in London, New York and Chicago. SCE introduced, for the first time to Danish and Scandinavian investors, the opportunity to buy precious metals, gold, silver, platinum and palladium (see Børsen).  

During the years 1974 – 1978, the company sold platinum, palladium and silver bars over the counter, in addition to bullion coins (gold coins like the Kruger Rand). 

The company advocated investors to diversify their investment, so they invested 10-15% of their money in the precious metal as an insurance against inflation and stock markets crash.  

Thousands of investors took our advice and purchased (through the years 1974 – 1980), gold, platinum, palladium and silver in bars and took delivery themselves. Also, many investors purchased gold coins for cash over the counter, which the company had advocated for years. Investors who did buy at the time had to wait many years, but today they can look back on investment with good profits of up to 600 – 1200%. I hope that the many investors who took our advice enjoy the profit today.  

Since I had expected the Danish currency restriction to be lifted, at least some years after Denmark’s membership of the EU, allowing Danish investors to invest and speculate on the overseas stock and commodity exchanges, I somewhat became concerned in 1978 when Denmark still did not allow a Dane to take more than D.Kr.5,000 abroad. Moreover, despite the EEC (EU) membership, Danes were still very restricted in what they could do with regards to investment abroad. The restrictions were even worse in Sweden and Norway.  

Most Scandinavian investors were rather unsophisticated with regards to the financial market in general, but particularly the international market. Some of our investors wanted us to create a product which reflected the margin contracts used on the various commodity exchanges abroad, also something which could be used as a currency hedge against the Danish Kroner. This led me to design a way for investors where they could participate “indirectly” in the precious metal market and speculate on margin, with the view of not taking delivery.  

We designed a special “Deferred Delivery Contract” which allowed investors to buy silver, platinum and palladium with only a 10-30% deposit. And since we did offer the option of delivery, they could finance the remainder of the purchase and have the advantage of tax relief on the interest payment. In reality, most of our clients did not want delivery; however, we had to leave this option open in our contract since this allowed investors to take advantage of the interest tax relief.  

The Danish Revenue (Skattevæsen) 

The Danish revenue was concerned with regards to possible investment with so-called “black money” and unregistered cash. Such activity would be reluctantly accepted if it was only relatively small amounts; however, in view of the substantial investments in 1979/80, this became a larger “problem” as such. In addition to this, since there was no precedence or effective rule, certain conditions were not evident. 

Because EU considered precious metals and coins as goods and in Denmark, goods were subject to sales tax (MOMS), it was not a requirement by Danish law that clients had to show any documentation or be registered when buying precious metal “over the counter”. Therefore, the fiscal authorities had no record of these peoples names. 

The companies were subject to many visits by the Copenhagen Tax office, including by the deputy chief of this office, Christen Amby (see: “The Red Tax Troll” below )  

They regularly harassed the companies and tried to “blackmail” the companies (and me) to inform on clients and people who purchased metals and coins over the counter – and then just took them home.  

The Customs and Excise Office was responsible for the value-added tax on goods.  

When SCE was a small company, the Customs and Excise Office agreed to permit that the sales tax/value-added tax (MOMS) could be refunded when the customers sold their goods. With regards to the deferred deliveries of the goods where most clients did not want delivery, and thereby in most cases – no import; therefore purchase tax on import was not possible.  

No doubt, these matters did concern the Customs and Excise Office; they saw the amounts growing larger into millions of Kroner. 

The National Bank’s (Nationalbanken) Involvement 

From the first day of SCE operation in 1974, the Danish National Bank and the Ministry of Trade had been closely monitoring the companies’ activities. They had different concerns, which partly reflected Denmark’s new membership of the EEC (EU). The bank was concerned with the possible outflow of capital from Denmark, which in effect was difficult to control since there were no rules or regulations which could prevent investments in commodities.  

The Ministry of Trade was directly in charge of a number of government agencies and institutions, which all have various interests which may conflict with some of the activities of SCE. The fact remains that the Ministry was very negative towards SCE and its activities from the first day.  

Through all the years, not a month went by without SCE being contacted by these departments. I personally had, during the five to six years, so many meetings with senior people in the National Bank and the Ministry to explain and to find out what these civil servants had in mind. The new membership in the EU at the time did bring up more openness in trade and capital movement, which no doubt did concern a lot of civil servants. That these institutions conspired against the companies became clear in 1978.  

An important financial magazine wanted to write about SCE’s deferred delivery contract. I personally confirmed the content of the article to the journalist at the magazine in July 1978. In September 1978 Finans/Invest published the article on SCE and the deferred delivery contract; however, the article had been changed and re-written by members of the magazine’s editorial staff.  

SCE immediately made a strong protest against these changes since it appeared that SCE had tried to circumvent the Danish exchange control regulation and make large profits in its internal business procedure.  

After contact with the owners of Finans/Invest, we received information that this article had been “re-written by a senior member of the National Bank, Mr Fleming Farup Madsen”. Mr Farup Madsen was also a member of the editorial staff of the magazine, where he or another person effectively had changed the article before it was printed, in blatant terms against the truth and the interest of SCE. Since the article had already been published, it was too late for SCE to do much about it.  

According to documentation (an internal memorandum) which came to light during the case against me, a meeting was held in the National Bank in May 1979 which concluded that it has not been possible to find customers of SCE which would complain of any wrongdoing with regards to the companies and its owner (me). The investigation by the Bagmandspolitiet has not been “successful” and no person has been defrauded in any way. However, the National Bank wanted to still go ahead with the possible violations of the exchange control.  

A Few Words from My Defence Attorney 

Folmer Reindel, my defence attorney, came to me in June 1983, after having had several meetings in the High Court, without me. He looked serious and said to me:  

“You already know that in a few weeks’ time you have served the seven year sentence from the City Court; you know that Bagmandspolitiet offered you freedom if you withdrew your appeal back in March four months ago. Now we know that Bagmandspolitiet will ask for a twelve year sentence in the High Court; we also know that at least two of the judges, including the presiding Judge Brink, have already expressed a strong bias against you in private and it will be these judges who will influence the lay-judges. Therefore, I ask you please to consider withdrawing the appeal, for yourself and your family. I know you are innocent, but this is not about justice, but power and cover-up. Bagmandspolitiet will not be allowed to lose in the eye of the public – the authorities simply have too much to lose.”  

He continued: “You yourself have witnessed the so-called trial in the City Court, it was just a pantomime to justify the abuse of power. Neither Korsø-Jensen (my other defence lawyer) nor I could do anything about it. Now, in the High Court we are again restricted with regards to money and therefore the time we can work on your defence. We are not paid much and neither Korsø nor I can work without payments, therefore we are unable to work on the case apart from the meetings in the court. With a twelve-year sentence, you will be in prison for another two and a half years, although it will be in an open prison, it still means that you are not a free man for years to come.” 

My answer he knew – I had to go ahead with the High Court case, despite that I could walk out immediately as a free man. 

From the first day of the High Court proceedings, the tabloid press took a stand with regards to my continued pre-trial detention and indeed printed that the High Court judges had already shown that they would give me a bigger sentence than judged in the lower court. It went as far as editorial comments to this fact in BT and Ekstra Bladet. 

Bagmandspolitiet even argued in the media (see example headlines here on the left), that I should not be released because I would leave Denmark and made reference to another case. What hypocrisy considering that six months before they had offered me an immediate release if I withdrew my appeal to the High Court.  

As I have argued in other parts of this website, if I had known that the Danish authorities would refuse me a proper re-trial, which I had the legal right to according to Professor Gammeltoft-Hansen, I certainly would have walked out of my pre-trial detention six months earlier when I received the offer. The trial at the High Court was a total waste of time and money, despite the sentence was reduced to five years instead of seven – this fact did not matter at all since I had, in reality, served more than 8 years prison sentence.  

The Customs and Excise Office was responsible for the value-added tax on goods.

When SCE was a small company, the Customs and Excise Office agreed to permit that the sales tax/value-added tax (MOMS) could be refunded when the customers sold their goods. With regards to the deferred deliveries of the goods where most clients did not want delivery, and thereby in most cases – no import; therefore purchase tax on import was not possible.

No doubt, these matters did concern the Customs and Excise Office; they saw the amounts growing larger into millions of Kroner.

The Cabinet Meeting

No one has been held accountable for the injustices in my case, my life and the life of Scandinavian Capital Exchange; its staff and customers’ fate was sealed when Prime Minister Anker Jørgensen, at a cabinet meeting in the late autumn of 1979 at Christiansborg, was confronted with a report showing all the failures of the Special Prosecution (Bagmandspolitiet).

Bagmandspolitiet, despite using huge resources at great cost, did not have a “successful record” as to high profile cases; they had lost many cases which ended up nowhere along with the negative press.

The most recent failure is the case against Jan Bonde Nielsen which ended up in the sand, as did any case against Brask Thomsen at Finansbanken; also it appeared that this would ultimately be the outcome of the case against Mogens Glistrup.

Bagmandspolitiet had, since their start, been trying hard to catch a big fish, someone who they could portray to the public as an example of their “hard” work, someone who could fit into the “Janteloven” and be fodder for the tabloid media. Moreover, an example who could justify their existence, fighting the criminals in smart suits. They needed desperately a high profile case which could be controlled from the first day, someone who the tabloid press could get their teeth into. They needed to carry out the Janteloven!

The prime minister faced the possibility of having to close down this special ‘Darling of the Social Democratic Party’, when he turned to the Minister of Industry, Erling Jensen (who had just been appointed on the 26th October after the election), and said looking out of the window: “What about the company over there?” He was referring to Scandinavian Capital Exchange, with its offices just opposite the cabinet office at the corner of Højbro Plads and Ved Stranden.

This is the Danish Prime minister,  Anker Jørgensen, who praised the dictator of North Korea in 1984 as a brilliant leader.

“Kim il-Sung as a leader should be admired for his devotion and wonderful work for his country and for his people’s freedom and happiness. Moreover that North Korea was a wonderful country and the people should be proud of their country’s independent from the influence of the big countries.”

Anker Jørgensen was even so stupid to draw parallels with Denmark fighting against the German occupation during the Second World War (which very few did when the truth is known). Now this person was probably the most uneducated prime minister we Dane have seen, nevertheless very popular with the masses.

How could anyone admire and glorify the totalitarian regime in North Korea – The Danish Prime minister Anker Jørgensen and the deputy chief of the Danish fiscal authority Christen Amby could!

How did we ever get to know about this cabinet meeting?

My defence lawyer, Advocate Folmer Reindel, received a phone call in April 1984 from Brussels. A Danish senior civil servant told him what was really the true background for the events in January 1980, my incarceration for more than four years and all of the injustices.

The senior civil servant told Folmer Reindel that he was at this cabinet meeting at Christiansborg and he felt he had to tell Folmer Reindel the truth about what started it all since he knew how many injustices it caused to clients, my staff, my family and me. By telling Folmer Reindel the truth, although late, he hoped that he got this out of his system as he really felt bad as to how I was treated.

Folmer Reindel and I were told that the freemasons already knew about the action against Scandinavian Capital Exchange in early January 1980.

In the High Court, just before being interviewed by the Special Prosecution, a client and hunting friend (and a Freemasons) stood up and turned to me and said: “Hauschildt, I am sorry about everything, I knew two weeks before”. In other words, many people knew about the authorities’ concerted efforts against me and the companies’ weeks before my arrest and the closing of the companies. Sadly my hunting friend and client died too early after my trial.

Several years after the events in Denmark I spoke to several Freemason friends who confirmed that also one of them knew about the action by the Special Prosecution some weeks before. In other words, the whole affair was a stage of political action.

According to internal documentation which first came to light during the High Court hearings (Appeal by me), a meeting was held in the National Bank in May 1979 which concluded that it has not been possible to find customers of SCE which would complain of any wrongdoing with regards to the companies and its owner (me). The investigation by the Bagmandspolitiet has not been “successful”. A person who appeared at The National Bank meeting was from the Copenhagen Tax Authority – Christen Amby.

Christen Amby – The Red Tax Troll

The companies were subject to many visits by the Copenhagen Tax office, including by the deputy chief of the Danish Tax authorities Christen Amby.

Christen Amby, the person who my companies and I was harassed by through several years was none other than “a red socialist” or should I say a left-wing socialist and the founder of the Danish Friendship Association with North Korea. Yes, correct the North Korean! He had previously been active in Danish Socialist People’s Party and later co-founder of the Left (wing) Socialist Party where he failed to get voted into the Danish Parliament. Obviously, this somewhat indicates the kind of person he was.

Christen Amby according to friends used to say about the people who worked under him in the Danish Tax Department “Either they are red or otherwise dead”. Such a person was one of the prime movers against me – “A Capitalistic Pig” as I several times had been shouted at. Such a political animal like Christen Amby should not be allowed to serve as a civil servant; civil servants should be a servant of the people and government, not by their political conviction.

When he first time came to our banking reception on Højbro Plads, my vice-director Erik Rasmussen actually, through him out in the snow because he looked like a tramp and “certainly could not be a civil servant from the Danish Tax Department”.

Unfortunately, I did not know this at the time but was told when he came to my offices and was recognised by Erik Rasmussen. Frankly, Christen Amby looked by an anarchist just coming from the barricades. Instead of offering my best chair (had I known his power), I just wanted him out of our offices since he looked like he has been sleeping in the same clothes for months. Not a person inspiring for our kind of business.

His real objective was for us to give him names of our client who traded “over the counter” all suspected to used “black money” undeclared to the fiscal authorities. Since there was no legal requirement for this at the time, I refused to corporate. Many times when leaving our offices, he mumbled: “We will see about this”.

In June 1979 leaving my offices he the vice-director for the Danish state tax authority Christian Amby shouted out loud: ”Vi skal nok få lukket den kapitalist-bule” We will close this cave of capitalism /capitalist cave” – And they certainly did close my companies seven months later.

First, at the High Court trial, my defence found material which referred to meetings at the Danish National Bank in May and October 1979, where Christen Amby was directly quoted.

Interestingly Christen Amby was arrested back in 1969 together Otto Sand (an agent for DDR’s Stasi) as they were organising to send money to support North Vietnam fighting the American Imperialist. I did not know this before later, so my membership of the American Club in Denmark certainly did not look good in Christen Amby’s eyes.

To me, Christen Amby and many members of Bagmandspolitiet, the courts and the media could have been agents of the DDR regime and indeed members of Stasi just south of the Danish border. Writing this, and later knowing this kind of people in former East German and Polen, moreover travelled in Russia and Ukraine, they all represent rather stupid and uneducated people.

The Unjust Trial  –  by the Danish Media

The Most Prejudicial Coverage by the Danish National Television and Radio

When Bagmandspolitiet stormed my companies offices, the television cameras were rolling, Bagmandspolitiet (the Special Prosecution) had given detailed instruction as to their action the day before.

Television is an incredibly powerful media

Denmark had at the time only one television station Danmarks Radio and Television, which with their 19.30 news (TV-Avisen) had everyone in Denmark clued in front of their television.

Since this was the biggest story that night showing the television people at our banking offices at Højbro Plads together with members of the Special Prosecution, Copenhagen fiscal authorities and other journalists – the program sealed the fate of the companies, our clients and staff and me. In reality, the Special Prosecution and the authorities had no way back. The point had been reached, as Franz Kafka said, from which there was no return.

In addition to this coverage a special 40-minute programme, 7 days later cemented my and my companies’ future fanning the flames of any doubts in the public mind and the media – I must be GUILTY. It’s was signed, sealed, and delivered a verdict of “guilty.”

I had known Jørgen Flindt Petersen and Erik Stephensen who made these programmes for some time, they had both a good reputation for critical television journalism. Moreover, I found them both very professional and they both saw the world outside Denmark and did not appear to me to “go with small shoes”. There seemed to be so few of such talent in Denmark at the time.

Both worked also as a journalist for the ruling Social Democratic newspaper Aktuelt. They both, later on, became the chief editors of this newspaper. My relationship with Danish Radio and TV had been going on for many years, and I had regularly participated in making various statements and comments as to the international financial market in general and particularly about the precious metal and currency markets through the years.

Interestingly I was on the 4th January 1980 on the main TV-news with an interview about the explosion in the gold price due to the Russian invasion of Afghanistan.

The judge in charge of the High Court trial judge H. H. Brydensholt announced on this TV-news program that he had stepped down from running the Danish Prison Service for seven years. (See: 4 January 1980 Danmark TV).  Little did I know at the time that he within 18 months as a High Court judge would decide to keep me locked up in solitary confinement for another month and that he years later would preside over a pantomime trial at the High Court.

I returned from Switzerland on Tuesday the 29th of January with my wife. My secretary had already made an appointment for Jørgen and Erik to see me in my offices at Ved Stranden on Friday the 1st February as they were working on a special program about gold and the financial markets at the time, they had asked for my comments.

On Wednesday, my secretary came to me to ask me if it was possible to change the meeting on Friday with journalists on Thursday morning. I told her that I had too much to do on the Thursday (moving office, issuing margin calls (getting millions from client as prices had fallen) money from hundreds of client, in addition to meetings with marketing people about a new SCE brochure, on which we had spent a considerable amount of money with the best professionals involved). I told my secretary that I will make the meeting, as arranged on Friday, therefore, tell them that I have absolutely no time Thursday.

Late Wednesday evening, being at home I received twice two calls as to re-arranging this meeting on Friday to Thursday, including a telephone call from Jørgen Flindt himself, I still told him it was impossible to see him next day, you have to wait to Friday I told him as previously arranged.

Jørgen Flindt Petersen already knew that come Friday, I would be in an isolation cell at the Vestre Prison. He obviously wanted me to be at Højbro Plads or in my head office when Bagmandspolities stormed the place, showing my arrest of the open screen getting the maximum effect to blacken my person.

Within a week of my arrest and the closing of SCE, these two journalists presented a television programme, giving me the final nail in my coffin by showing a 40 minutes (prime time 20:00) television programme, where they involved some SCE clients who had become very anxious and worried after seeing the companies being closed by Bagmandspolitiet. (See: 5th February 1980)

This very subjective television programme which was repeated a few days later did indeed seal me and my companies’ future.

The newspaper coverage of the event, on Friday, Saturday and Sunday following my arrest were huge and most pre-judicial. Denmark is a small place and such great amount of press coverage both in the national and local press did considerable and irrevocable harm to the case and my rights to a fair trial and hearing.

Bagmandspolitiet had unscrupulously used the most important weapon to smear, discredit and disgrace my person – the media. Thereafter, there was no way back, moreover, the public would never “take back” what they had witnessed on the television and in newspapers. We know today that being accused is equal to being guilty.

The Danish media did create a trial by the media, a most pre-judicial environment for a fair trial. I am blameless by the prosecutions intrigues to create embarrassment and disarray among the clients of the companies.

The media missed the underlying story and truth. Even after my long pre-trial incarceration, the Danish media had no interest to pursue the truth, when the Dutch, German, French and Belgian television were a the court hearings at the European Court of Human Rights in September 1988, the Danish media and Danish State Television was not there.

Despite this was a historic occasion as to Denmark in front of the full panel of judges for the first time since the establishment of the Court nearly 40 years earlier. The Danish media did not attend this Court hearing since they were an accomplice with Bagmandspolitiet and the Danish authorities for the injustice.

The Lies by Bagmandspolitiet as to Hidden Money Abroad

The many headlines and lies were regular fodder to the media in order to allow the Bagmandspolitiet (Special Prosecution), to travel all over the place.

The headlines with regards to hidden money regularly featured in the press during my solitary confinement.

The simple truth, when on the first day Bagmandspolitiet seized all the documentation and files from my offices, they knew about every penny I had abroad including details of all bank accounts. I kept all the details in my files in Denmark as I had nothing to hide. All of the lies about hidden money from Brazil to the USA were created entirely for the media to justify all the costs and travel by members of the prosecution.

As to Judge Claus Larsen in the City Court, he had to be asked each time by Bagmandspolitiet with regards to allowing the taxpayers’ money to be used for “another” travelling trip – always after Bagmandspolitiet had already argued their case in the tabloid press telling them that I had hidden money abroad.

Practically all of my liquid assets were in London, not in Switzerland or any offshore place; moreover, I had offered to bring this money to Denmark immediately after my arrest.

When Bagmandspolitiet could not justify any more travel, they just asked a professional conman to go to the media and tell some stories about Brazil, USA or Paris, painting a criminal picture of me. Headlines saying that I had hidden millions in Brazil and had been importing false gold bars to Denmark – were all lies. Nevertheless, members of Bagmandspolitiet had several trips to Paris and the USA. I do not believe that they went to Brazil, they knew this was also a lie and possibly the media would have found out one day.

Bagmandspolities even sent a known criminal into the prison to try to get close to me, so they could create some headlines. They even made a deal with him.

Since I was not of right mind after my solitary confinement, I did fall for this persons’ suggestion to help, this ultimately led to large headlines and indeed two judgements against me. Such action is quite common and I should have been on guards, but I was most vulnerable and susceptible and Bagmandpolitiet knew.

Media Lynching by tabloid Editorials

The fact that the media slowly became committed after writing so many lies and innuendoes – all attacking me, played a major part in creating a public trial by newspapers. The editorial lines of many leading newspapers were to throw as much dirt as possible on my person, on my clients and my companies.

Worse still, the media took an active part in pointing out that I was guilty and deserved a long prison sentence. In many countries, such editorial lines would have stopped my case, as this was pre-judicial and not allowing me to get a fair trial.

Denmark is a small country and this popular media coverage had devastating effects on everything and my right to a fair trial. The tabloid press becomes committed and ultimately concerted against me, together with the Danish authorities, giving me an unfair trial.

Shortly after my arrest, I offered to bring all of my liquid assets to Denmark, but Bagmandspolitiet did not want this, as they would have difficulties in justifying their initial action in closing the companies and arresting me for open television for alleged tax evasion.

I told the City Court and a week later just after my arrest that I would arrange to transfer all my assets to Denmark from abroad. This fact was reported in some newspapers including Børsen. Nevertheless, the newspapers later attacked me as making millions every year despite that I was locked up in pre-trial detention.

Because I was making millions on interest and had millions abroad, I deserved to stay locked up in pre-trial incarceration and the public should not have any pity on me! Never mind that I had a family which need me and that I according to the Danish Law was innocent until proven guilty.

The media lynching and smear campaign went on and on through those years, something which is very hard to endure if one is locked up in solitary confinement.

The press knew that repetition pays, if you repeat anything many times, ultimately people believe it, never mind it is a lie. Throw lots of dirt on someone and some dirt will ultimate always stick. Journalist, politician and leaders in totalitarian countries like DDR used this successfully as did Bagmandspolitiet and the tabloid press in Denmark. So for years, Bagmandspolitiet could manipulate the Danish tabloid and the A-press (the socialist government’s newspaper).

The media became the henchmen for the regime against the “victims” of Bagmandspolitiet/the Jantelov prosecution, including Mogens Glistrup, Jan Bonde Nielsen and myself, a media totally contemptuous of any decency and interest in the truth and justice.

All the Fabricated Lies and Stories

The Media Lynching – the tabloid media was a self-constituted court together with Bagmandspolitiet set out to execute me!

Some Examples of Fabricated Stories and Lies During my Solitary Confinement

There exists a great amount of these deliberately planted “stories” from the Special Prosecution (Bagmandspolitiet), just to name a few, which can all be described as fabricated lies, innuendoes and false claims. These headlines and stories are all very prejudicial and show “a trial by newspapers” dating from the period when I was in total isolation in solitary confinement and without any possibility to comment on these lies.

Seeing such lies in solitary confinement only added to my mental pain and frustration and therefore confirmed my view of the unlawful activity of Bagmandspolitiet and the authorities’ concerted action against me and my companies.

When my defence attorney and I finally got permission to publish a press release or comment on these lies, the damage had been done – everyone had seen the headlines and read the stories, I was guilty.

A most effective way to criminalise someone and to get the media and journalists committed against me.

Even when I told Bagmandspolitiet that my wife had been contacted by criminal elements, the headlines in the newspaper next day painted a bad picture of me, despite that it was me who had informed Bagmandspolitiet what had happened.

This was after three members of the Bagmandspolitiet were present at a short meeting I had with my wife, supervising what I said and what she told me.

Since the people from Bagmandspolitiet obviously did not understand English, I told them that my wife had been contacted by some criminals and they should look into the matter immediately.

Nevertheless, the next day all of the headlines proclaimed my involvement with these criminals.

One could ask why Bagmandspolitiet contacted the tabloid press with this story?

The lies about bad cheques issued by the companies (February 5, 6 and 7, 1980)

Bagmandspolitiet conveyed the information to the press that the companies had no money and that several “bad” cheques had been issued by the companies prior to the closing and my arrest.

No bad cheques had ever been issued by the companies and this was a lie. According to the auditor’s report, the companies in Denmark had liquid assets in the banks amounting to D.Kr. 1.8 million on January 31st.

In addition to this amount Bagmandspolitiet (Special Prosecution), had seized almost D.Kr. 400,000 in cheques issued to the companies and paid in the days before my arrest and the closing of the companies.

The cheques had not been taken to the bank and the Special Prosecution cancelled (annulled) these cheques by telephoning the respective client who had paid in these cheques to the companies.

These telephone calls took place while the accused was sitting at the office of Bagmandspolitiet, solely accused of personal tax evasion. Hence the countermanding of these cheques was illegal.

When the cheques had been refused by the banks, this was exclusively attributed to the fact that the Special Prosecution had seized all bank accounts in order to impede payments.

The Special Prosecution knew from their telephone monitoring that, the day I was arrested, SCE planned to issue margin calls for up to 10 million Kroner; such payment had to be paid within a few days thereafter by the client.

These headlines about bad cheques influenced the public views but to make matters worse, it influenced the Commercial Court. Bagmandspolitiet informed the Maritime and Commercial Court (Sø- og Handelsretten) that there was absolutely no money in the companies, as cheques were returned (without telling them the above-mentioned facts).

Hence the commercial court refused to believe my statement which was, of course, the truth, that the companies had close to two million in cash as stated by the auditor’s report later on and had absolutely no liquidity problem prior to the closing by Bagmandspolitiet.

Just as an example as to the company’s liquidity five months before Bagmandspolitiet closed the companies, I found a bank statement from 10 days in September 1979 showing that near US$2M had been paid in showing substantial liquidity. (Den Danske Bank – September 1979)

Without any documents and a legal advisor in the Maritime and Commercial court, everything I said to the judge was ridiculed by the Bagmandspolitiet and it was on such basis that the companies and I were declared bankrupt. The Special Prosecution auditors (at a cost of more than 4 million Kroner), later confirmed that everything I had said at the time – as to my solvency – was correct, but then everything was too late and the damage was done.

The lies about a planned hostage coup

Planned hostage-taking at the Vestre Fængsel – “Set me free by force” (April 4, 5 and 6, 1980, published in many newspapers)

This fantastic story is exclusively based on a message smuggled out to my wife (given during a court hearing), in a desperate attempt to counter the injustices as I witnessed it. I was innocent and considered all the actions by Bagmandspolitiet as illegal.

The message reads “get me out of here”; this was however crossed out by me before giving it on to my wife. Moreover, I told Bagmandspolitiet about this note later.

In other words, all other lies and monstrosities like masked hold-ups of prison staff etc. had nothing to do with me and were just a fabricated story based entirely on a crossed out sentence “get me out of here”. It was normal for the tabloid that “A Feather became a Bird”

This note could be anticipated by Bagmandspolitiet and in fact, they “allowed” me to pass this on. Anyone in my situation would write such note asking their wife to help after months in solitary confinement. Even the management of the Vestre Fængsel (Vestre Prison) contacted me in my isolation cell as they anticipated the headline stories that were going to be written by the press at the time because the newspapers had already contacted them. Incidentally, I was not even at the prison of Vridsløselille at the time which most articles told their readers, but at Vestre Prison in solitary confinement.

The Prejudicial Trial by the Media

The free press has a great responsibility to its readers as the most important mechanisms for ensuring that the government respects the rights of its citizens. Most of the Danish media failed badly in ensuring my rights to be treated fairly and according to the basic human rights – that you are innocent until proven guilty.

When it was obvious that the solitary confinement combined with the events which took place had badly affected me, instead of being responsible and pointing out why I behaved as I did the media attacked me with sensational headlines which crucified me to its readers and the Danish public. The lies about a billion fraud with silver which did not exist.

“Billion swindles with silver which did not exist”

This article was entirely fabricated by Bagmandspolitiet the day after my arrest for alleged tax evasion. The article claimed that a billion Danish Kroners worth of fraud had taken place.

We did not have any commitment to buy this silver according to the contract the companies had with the clients in the first place. This fact was confirmed later by two respected Swedish law professors (see White had to be Black). Moreover, by the companies lawyers when these contracts were made.

Secondly, when the prosecution, after more than fourteen months, charged me with this ridiculous charge, the amount was for 34.5 million kroner not 1000 million kroner.

I told Bagmandspolitiet, in the first days, where to find the various balances of the companies and it was totally clear from all the documentation which had been seized that it did not concern a billion (milliard) Danish kroner or anything close to this amount; such was entirely sensationalism for the Danish public.

The lies about fake gold bars

The silver king behind the large-scale import of false gold bars etc. (July 1, 2, 3 and 7, 1980)

These false accusations were exclusively based on the intentions of the Bagmandspolitiet (Special Prosecution), and the fiscal (tax) authorities to find out who were the clients of SCE, who they had been looking for but did not find the names of when they raided the offices of the companies.

They were looking for black money. Therefore Bagmandspolitiet came up with a classic idea to involve an already convicted conman – who they could lean on and get to tell the press anything about, just for him to get publicity; I later had that confirmed by him. In making the clients, who had purchased “over the counter” with cash (and therefore unknown to the tax people), nervous and worried about their precious metal (gold, silver or platinum bars), they believed that these people would come forward.

Such clients would indeed be worried if these bars were fake; nevertheless, not many of SCE’s true clients believe these stories about fake bars, but the public at large did. This last fact criminalized me.

The many clients who, through the years, purchased precious metal and gold coins over the counter did not provide their names to our staff since we had no legal basis to request their name. They purchased “goods” over the counter and paid a high sales tax to Denmark. Our staff had detailed instruction “not to see or remember” these people since we had no legal obligation to do so.

Neither the companies nor I ever did buy or order any gold bars from any sellers in Paris, according to my defence lawyer at the time (Jørgen Jacobsen), this outrageous claim was created by Bagmandspolitiet to “criminalise me” in the public’s eye and get the public sympathy against me.

The Special Prosecution knew that all of this was a lie and this conveniently gave several of their members an excuse for a few trips to Paris.

With regards to SCE’s clients, some of whom had purchased silver, platinum and palladium bars over the counter; it did make them nervous and create anxiety about their precious metal bars with regards to if they were real or not.

Never mind that Bagmandspolitiet’s lies could cause a direct loss to the customer since a State Control examination would impair the bars by 10-15% of their value.

Naturally, no false bars were ever sold nor found; nevertheless, it made many investors nervous and again framed me as some sort of fraudster in the media with a criminal connection.

The lies that SCE drove a senior banker to defraud his bank

“Silver adventure drove bank official to defraud of millions” This case was reported over a period of time with many headline articles connecting me and SCE with a banker’s crime.

These were all lies and made up stories with regards to me and the companies involvement.

My company and I were blamed for his fraud or indirectly always mentioned in these articles, although I was not directly acquainted with the person in question. It is true that he was a client of the companies and had been for several years.

Bagmandspolitiet even told the newspapers (and was quoted), that they believed that I knew that he had stolen the money to buy his silver and platinum bars and because I knew I may have sold him fake bars – all lies.

The senior banker had apparently started his embezzlement before SCE even opened in Denmark. I did not know him as a client of the companies, despite that he had regularly purchased gold coins, silver and platinum bars for several years. Naturally, his embezzlement had no connection to any kind of pressure on the part of SCE or me; I later spoke to him in prison and he confirmed this to me in person.

It is true to say that this criminal would never have been found out without Bagmandspolitiet’s raid on SCE and my arrest. His computer fraud, through many years, was very sophisticated and even the banks’ accountants and auditors had, through the years, not found anything wrong. The lies of my connection with a Mafioso intending to set me free etc. (July 5, 6, 7 and 8, 1980) “Mafia gangster arrested in connection with Hauschildt”

Despite that when my wife and I were in the presence of three persons from the Special Prosecution, I told Bagmandspolitiet whilst having a short meeting with them, about this planned attempt to get me free.

As previously mentioned, none of the three members of the Special Prosecution understood English (although they had been assigned to listen to my conversation with my wife).

My wife told me that some criminal people had contacted her; these people had told her that they would get me out of prison. Hearing this, I immediately told the Special Prosecution members about this as it was obviously some scam.

Nevertheless, Bagmandspolitiet immediately told the press and therefore I still had more than egg on my face and was again exposed to extensive press coverage and public criticisms associating me with known criminals. As to the fact that it was me informing Bagmandspolitiet, only a little note appeared about this and the public was left thinking, as always, that I had connections with criminal elements and therefore a criminal – all long before my trial. The lies by Bagmandspolitiet as to Black Market Trading in Gold Bars “Sortbørs-handel med falske barrer”

This lie directly quoted Bagmandspolitiet saying that they believed that I had been dealing in fake silver and gold bars amounting to millions on the black market, aside from selling real precious metal bars.

An absolute lie. Bagmandspolitiet believed that all of the clients would keep their mouths closed as they feared to go to the authorities, knowing well that they had purchased these bars with black money.

Bagmandspolitiet even informed the newspapers that they had sent all the precious metal bars found from the raid of SCE to the “Teknologisk Institut” to be examined and analysed as they believed some would be fake. BT, one of the tabloid Danish newspapers, even went so far as to contact a manufacturer in Paris, who claimed that SCE was his biggest client. Moreover, they found some Danish criminal in Paris who claimed that I had contacted him, naturally also a lie.

All of these lies were swallowed by the public and again criminalised my person, all of this at a time of solitary confinement, where I could do nothing. No fake bars were ever found and no black market ever existed involving me or the companies.

Where the headlines reported that this popular TV-journalist had lost a million, the real truth, she had invested DKr.100.000 and borrowed on margin. The truth she owed the company more than 1 million kroner. The tabloid newspaper tells it, readers, that she was on the brink of bankruptcy. Very prejudicial, interestingly, she would have benefitted greatly if Bagmandspolitiet had not closed the companies because she made purchases of platinum and silver ingots in June and July 1979.

Editorial Coverage and Prejudice

The fact that the media slowly became committed after writing so many lies and innuendoes – all attacking me, played a major part in creating a public trial by newspapers. The editorial lines of many leading newspapers were to throw as much dirt as possible on my person, on my clients and my companies.

Worse off, the media took an active part in pointing out that I was guilty and deserved a long prison sentence.

In many countries, such editorial lines would have stopped my case, as this was pre-judicial and would not allow me to get a fair trial. Denmark is a small country and this popular media coverage had devastating effects on everything and ultimately gave me an unfair trial.

Media Lynching – the tabloid media was a self-constituted court together with Bagmandspolitiet set out to executed me

At a time when I suffered badly with strong migraines, lack of sleep, severe stress symptoms, severe anxiety, recurring nightmares, flashbacks, extreme agitation and irritability with severe depression; the media just ridiculed me, making amusement of my suffering and totally ignoring my real conditions.

My defence lawyers appealed to the media many times and pointed out that Bagmandspolitiet tortured me and asked the courts to allow me consultation and treatment from outside medical help.

Through all of the more than four years, the courts and the prosecution did not want me to get “outside” help; they simply did not want me to expose what had happened to me and my “mental scars” of the invisible torture. Mental scars which really made me unfit to stand trial. No psychological or psychiatric examination was carried out on me through all those years. 

The Lies by Bagmandspolitiet as to Hidden Money Abroad

The many headlines and lies were regular fodder to the media in order to allow the Bagmandspolitiet (Special Prosecution), to travel all over the place. The headlines with regards to hidden money regularly featured in the press during my solitary confinement.

The simple truth, when on the first day Bagmandspolitiet seized all the documentation and files from my offices, they knew about every penny I had abroad including details of all bank accounts. I kept all the details in my files in Denmark as I had nothing to hide. All statement was sent to me in Denmark. At the time of my arrest, I had US$ 1.85 million on overnight rates in London (see confirmation Time Deposit London September 1980).

All of the lies about hidden money from Brazil to the USA were created entirely for the media to justify all the costs and travel by members of the prosecution.

As to Judge Claus Larsen in the City Court, he had to be asked each time by Bagmandspolitiet with regards to allowing the taxpayers’ money to be used for “another” travelling trip – always after Bagmandspolitiet had already argued their case in the tabloid press telling them that I had hidden money abroad. Practically all of my liquid assets were in London, not in Switzerland or any offshore place; moreover, I had offered to bring this money to Denmark immediately after my arrest.

When Bagmandspolitiet could not justify any more travel, they just asked a professional conman to go to the media and tell some stories about Brazil or the USA, painting a criminal picture of me. Headlines saying that I had hidden millions in Brazil and had been importing false gold bars to Denmark – were all lies.

The fact that the media slowly became committed after writing so many lies and innuendoes – all attacking me, played a major part in creating a public trial by newspapers.

The editorial lines of many leading newspapers were to throw as much dirt as possible on my person, on my clients and my companies. Worse still, the media took an active part in pointing out that I was guilty and deserved a long prison sentence.

In many countries, such editorial lines would have stopped my case, as this was pre-judicial and not allowing me to get a fair trial. Denmark is a small country and this popular media coverage had devastating effects on everything and my right to a fair trial, I was judged and sentence before my trial.

The tabloid press becomes committed and ultimately concerted against me, together with the Danish authorities, giving me an unfair trial. In the days after my arrest, I offered to bring all of my liquid assets to Denmark (D.Kr. 14-16 million-plus), but Bagmandspolitiet did not want this since they could not justify their actions and the closing down of the companies. Moreover, they knew where all my assets were from the first day when the seized all our files and accounts.

Nevertheless, the newspapers later attacked me as making millions every year despite that I was locked up in pre-trial detention. Because I was making millions on interest and had millions abroad, I deserved to stay locked up and the public should not have any pity on me!

“For the 55th time!

No, you will not be allowed to get out Hauschildt”

Despite that I had been offered an opportunity to be released many months earlier if I did not go ahead with a re-trial and that I had served the seven years sentence by the lower court prior to the High Court trial, the newspapers could write such headlines and argue that I should remain incarcerated.

The fact that I was kept incarcerated in pre-trial detention during the High Court trial was subjected to extensive speculation in the Danish media with regards to a possible additional sentence. This example of headlines on the right: “For the 55th time! No, you will not be allowed to get out Hauschildt”, shows how the press continued to write as to conjecture and speculate based entirely on the fact that I still was kept in pre-trial detention.

The press concluded that because the judges in the High Court did not allow me freedom and still kept me in pre-trial confinement, they had already, on the first days of the trial, considered that I was guilty and that I would receive a sentence in excess of seven years. This is at a time where my defence argued that I was innocent of all charges.

No reader was ever told that I would have been free and out of my pre-trial detention if I had not appealed the verdict from City Court – a trial which later was judged to be unfair and contravened the European Convention of Human Rights.

From the first day of the High Court proceedings, the tabloid press took a stand with regards to my continued pre-trial detention and indeed printed that the High Court judges had already shown that they would give me a bigger sentence than judged in the lower court. It went as far as editorial comments to this fact in BT and Ekstra Bladet.

Bagmandspolitiet even argued in the media (see example headlines here on the left), that I should not be released because I would leave Denmark and made reference to another case. What hypocrisy considering that six months before they had offered me an immediate release from my pre-trial detention if I withdrew my appeal to the High Court.

As I have argued in other parts of this website, if I had known that the Danish authorities would refuse me a proper re-trial, which I had the legal right to according to Professor Gammeltoft-Hansen, I certainly would have walked out of my pre-trial detention six months earlier when I received the offer to be free.

The trial at the High Court was a total waste of time and money, despite the sentence was reduced to five years instead of seven – this fact did not matter at all since I had, in reality, served more than 8 years prison sentence.

This should be seen in relation to a recent case in Denmark by the Special Prosecution, a 45-year-old woman had admitted stealing more than 130 million Danish Kroner from a Swiss employer during a two year and a half period. After spending a few weeks in pre-trial detention, she went to court more than a year later and received a 3.5 years sentence, meaning she will serve 22-27 months in an open prison.

One of the Many Proven Conspiracies and Important Facts

The Danish Authorities with the Special Prosecution deliberately prevented me from having the most important complaint to the European of Human Rights dealt with by keeping correspondence from me for years

Two weeks after I started my hunger strike in August 1980, I sent my initial application to the European Council (dated the 26th August 1980). According to the European Convention of Human Rights – all prisoners should have free access to correspondence with the ECHR, this correspondence must never be opened or subject to censorship.

Despite this was clear and known to everyone, Bagmandspolitiet acted contemptuous to all aspect of the European Convention of Human Rights and just took the replies addressed to me (only) from the European Commission of Human Rights.

The ECHR replied already on the 3rd September 1980, this reply Bagmandspolitiet took in hand and first after two years and nearly three months was more or less forced to hand over to me, since I in the meantime had written to the Council of Europe and they informed me about this reply through my defence lawyer Folmer Reindel.

So at a time I was on hunger-strike, using my own body as the last protest and in fact still had more than five weeks to go of the hunger strike, Bagmandspolitiet conspired and kept the reply from the Council of Europe. This reply at the time truly would have given me some strength since my complaint related to the atrocious treatment I had been subject to ranging from solitary confinement, refusal of having access to a psychiatrist, the restrictive visit by my family and already than trial by the media.

I can’t emphasize enough today looking back how important this reply was for me at the time. This really did cause me considerable grief; at a time I found everything so hopeless after nearly nine months in solitary confinement and on hunger strike and not even receiving an answer from the European Council was bad.

It would have meant so much to me at the time to have known that the ECHR had answered my complaint and application in Strasbourg. Having been subjected to horrendous treatment in my home country and given up nearly all hopes I did not even have recognition to my complaint to the European Council.

After two years I send another communication to Strasbourg “My Proclamation of 1000 in restrictive pre-trial detention without Judgement”. The reply dated the 9th November 1982 to my letter and contends was also taken by the Special Prosecution and kept away from me for nine days.

However, the European Commission informed me that they had sent me a reply more than two years earlier, Bagmandspolitiet was forced to hand over this reply more than two years and three months later which they did on the 18th November 1982. They just laughed and told me and my defence that they had forgotten to do this as it was NOT IMPORTANT.

Considering that I on so many occasions had told Bagmandspolitiet and the City Court that one day they would face justice in Strasbourg, every time to be received with laughter from the prosecution and the judge (and indeed any media), little did I know that they all this time had kept important correspondence away from me. Correspondence that I had free rights too! A most serious breach of the European Convention of Human Rights.

What is so important to understand is the fact that Bagmandspolitiet took this correspondence prevented me from attending to all the formalities as to the complaint of my treatment and the many contraventions I alleged as to the European Convention of Human Rights. Bagmandspolitiet knew this because they could read the required procedure to make a complaint to the European Council. In other words, the Danish authorities with Bagmandspolitiet deliberately kept me away from having the European Court of Human Rights dealing with the most serious and worst complains as to my case.

It went on Bagmandspolitiet open and kept the next correspondence from Strasbourg, this is after being told again and again by my defence that I have the right to unopened, unseen and uncensored communication with Strasbourg.

A letter received on the 13th December 1982 was first handed to me nearly three months letter on the 15th February 1983. I was told of the letter existence on the 22nd December 1982 but objected to that the letter had been open and kept for two weeks by the prosecution.

So even after being found out, Bagmandspolitiet continued their contemptuous behaviours – as they thought they could walk on water and get away with everything.

A member from Bagmandspolitiet even used to tell me that I will never get the European Commission of Human Rights to deal with my treatment, at the time I had no idea that they had stopped this by keeping important letters away from me.

Neither advocates Jørgen Jacobsen nor advocate Folmer Reindel believed that the Danish authorities would go so far to hide the treatment I was subjected to by stopping correspondence with the European Council. But as Folmer said after worth “now I truly know what scam bags are”. I used to call Bagmandspolitiet “low life” and “scam bags”.

Please see the long list of complaints sent to the ECHR (see: My Application to European Commission of Human Rights), most of these could not be dealt with by the Court as they were outdated after my initial application in August 1980. You can’t make two applications with the same complaints.

As I mentioned before the above-mentioned action by the Special Prosecution characterises their whole attitude by the Danish authorities to me and justice in general at the time.

As my defence lawyer Folmer Reindel said to me when Bagmandspolitiet came with the letter two years two months later, “if anyone had told me two years ago that the Danish authorities would conspire and prevent someone in making an application to the European Court of Human Rights, I would not believe this, but after nearly two years with your case, I am not surprised any longer.

Since I could not trust that letters would not be taken and kept by the Danish authorities with Bagmandspolitiet I asked my lawyer Folmer Reindel to communicate with the European Commission directly for a long period.

When the European Court of Human Rights dealt with my complaints in 1983 onwards they could only deal with the issue of a fair trial and we could never bring up the issues related to my treatment.

When I was able to submit my second petition to the ECHR, after nearly 3 years in pre-trial detention, I considered Denmark’s breach of the Article 1, 3, 5, 6, and 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights far more important than making a complaint as to the breach of Article 8. So despite the Danish authorities had taken my correspondence with the ECHR and kept it for two years and two months away from me, preventing me to submit my complaint as to my appalling treatment, I did not bother to submit a petition for this misdemeanour by the Danish state.

Article 8 protects even the prisoner’s right to privacy with medical correspondence with their doctors. Article 8 gives prisoners the right to access to doctors, as the person was not in prison. Considering that was refused permission to see a doctor for more than four years, I even did not make a petition as to this. I was only allowed to see prison doctors (all corrupted in their duties for the state at the time), moreover, when I after nearly four years received permission to see a doctor they would not allow a private visit without members from the prosecution was in attendance!

Article 8 in the European Convention of Human Rights providing free access to the European Council and the European Court of Human Rights, generally it deals with the following issues:

Article 8 – Right to respect for private and family life

1. Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence.
2. There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.

Important Facts

• Until my arrest “for alleged serious tax evasion” and the closing of the companies, the companies had fulfilled all of their obligations to their clients and were not involved in any unlawful activity.
• Until my arrest, the companies were not involved with any litigation or any form of dispute with clients.
• All disputes reported in the media came after the closing of the companies, my arrest and the media publicity. The fact remains that the companies had no legal dispute with any client as per 31st January 1980.
• The companies had no liquidity problems in January 1980 – Most of the companies and my personal liquid assets were in London, not in Switzerland or some remote offshore place hidden in a bank.
• I have never seen the original warrant for alleged serious tax evasion and what documentation was used to convince the court and justify the issue of such a warrant.
• I had never been contacted before with regards to these allegations of serious tax evasion, nor had my accountant or lawyers.
• I hold the Danish “record” for being kept in pre-trial detention – 1492 days, at least in the last 300 years.
• I never was a prisoner according to the Danish Prison Service (Kriminalforsorgen) – “only” a person kept on remand for 1492 days.
• An internal memorandum from the National Bank in May 1979 showed that the National Bank had been told by the police that it was impossible to make a case against the companies and me since all clients were satisfied with the company and not willing to complain about anything.
• An internal memo by the Copenhagen Tax Office in October 1979 concluded again that the National Bank and the fiscal authority were unable to find any clients who would complain against the companies. Moreover, this memo confirmed that the standard business terms used by the companies did not require SCE to buy or hedge the margin sales. SCE had no obligation to hedge the sales of precious metal on the terminal contracts – deferred sales. The memo further confirmed that most investors did not want their silver delivered, but just liquidated their contracts with SCE.
• I was solvent at the time of my arrest when I was declared bankrupt by a Commercial Court (even the Prosecution’s expensive auditors confirmed this).
• I was declared bankrupt by the Commercial Court, not having proper access to the seized material with Bagmandspolitiet and despite having most of my assets outside Denmark. Moreover, most of these assets outside of Denmark I was allowed to keep.
• I offered the Commercial Court, in February 1980 shortly after my arrest, to bring all my liquid assets, approx 16-20 million, to Denmark if I was immediately released in order to run the companies and attend to my affairs.
• The dates selected for making the balances for the estate of the bankruptcies’ was entirely arbitrary so as to give Bagmandspolitiet the best scenario for later making a case against me. Moreover, preventing the registration of SCE A/S did “save” a lot of people from possible bankruptcy as they owed the company money.
• I have never seen the accounts of the estates from the appointed liquidators’ advocates Bent Jespersen and Egon Høgh. What happened to the assets of the companies and my personal assets, my family’s art collection, antiques and valuables?
• I never had contact with any criminal elements in Danish society before the events accept the “criminals” among the authorities.
• I never had any plans to run away to South America – all stories planted by the Special Prosecution.
• I never served a criminal sentence anywhere, neither before or after the events in Denmark. The Danish Prison Service told me that I never served a sentence and was only kept on remand for 1492 days.
• How crazy the Danish bankruptcies were, the liquidator later handed my attorney Folmer Reindel in 1986 a collection of 99 gold coins to give me (worth today US$110,000), since these were “my personal coins”. I was not allowed many other personal gold coins and collections including my many Miro pictures and my banknote collection. Nevertheless, the fact remains that I was allowed to keep many valuables, which I do thank the liquidators for, but this makes a mockery of the bankruptcy laws and procedures. I was able to keep my Rolex gold watch on my arm, from the day of my arrest until my freedom 1492 days later, a watch, which is still in my procession and now valued in excess of 350,000 D.Kr.
• As to the Danish bankruptcies and how they could make me personally bankrupt, without any documentation, despite I personally offered to bring 14-16 of my own money to Denmark, which the refused. As I was the unlimited partner in M. Hauschildt et Cie in Zurich, worth at the time in excess of 6 million Swiss Francs – how could I be bankrupt?
• The Danish media could write more than one thousand five hundred newspaper and magazine articles, broadcast radio and television programs about my case and the event, but not bother being present at the European Court of Human Rights when the full Court of 17 judges from all the member countries considered the case. A case which ended in a Judgement against Denmark. Denmark,  stood accused and later judged for the first time in nearly forty years earlier since the Court was established. Whereas the French, German, Belgian and Dutch television was there, none from the Danish or Scandinavian media bothered.
• The Danish authorities with Bagmandspolitiet was total contemptuous of the European Convention of Human Rights and took my correspondence with the ECHR and kept it away from me for years preventing me my legal rights to free communication with the Commission, moreover that I could ever have the Court to deal with my complaints about my treatment and the conspiracy
• The Danish authorities did not pay the money due from the compensation Judgement of the Court of Human Rights (ECHR) since they claimed I owed money to pay for the trial – a trial which the ECHR judged to be unfair and confirmed was a breach of the Convention Article 6 – A Fair Trial